Saturday, August 03, 2013

Back August 27, 2013!

This (and my other blogs) are now taking a short break. However, they will return August 27, 2013 (Sydney time)

In the meantime, plenty of labels and topics to browse!

Wherever you may be - be safe

Caucasus: Blood & Honor (RT Documentary)

In the Caucasian mountains people like tradition, no matter how violent it may be. In the 1990s public executions were common in Chechnya and Ingushetia. They have their own concept of justice and their own methods to carry it out. But times are changing, as people seek forgiveness rather than revenge. But it's not always easy to forgive a murderer, as the echo of one shot reverberates through the centuries.

Watch more on RT's documentary channel http://rtd.rt.com

Britain: No Hiding Place for War Criminals - Except Theirs?

Source: Pravda.ru

Felicity Arbuthnot
Britain: No Hiding Place for War Criminals - Except Theirs?

"Let me ask you one question. Is your money that good? Will it buy you forgiveness? Do you think that it could?" (Bob Dylan, b: 1941.)

Figures just obtained by the BBC under a Freedom of Information request, show that last year the UK Home Office identified nearly one hundred suspected war criminals, the majority of cases believed to be already having been living in the UK for a number of years. (i)

Suspects are believed to have come from a wide range of countries including Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Libya, Rwanda, Serbia and Sri Lanka.

The Home Office, which is responsible for immigration and border control, is making robust noises and is determined Britain does not become "a refuge for war criminals."

Four Rwandan men arrested in May this year are: " suspected of involvement in the 1994 genocide that led to the deaths of an estimated 800,000 people."

James Smith of Aegis, a charity involved in the prevention of crimes against humanity is quoted as saying: "If we don't pursue those prosecutions, the UK could become known as a retirement home for war criminals."

A Home Office spokesman said: "Anyone accused of these crimes should be put on trial in their home country and we will always seek to return them to face justice."

In the light of the Home Office statement, it has to be asked if the relevant powers will finally be taking an equally robust stance towards former Prime Minister Tony Blair for the illegal invasion of Iraq.

Further, will action also be taken against his Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, his Attorney General Lord Goldsmith - who changed his legal advice that invading Iraq would be illegal, to deciding it was legal under alleged pressure from Blair. The then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gordon Brown who obediently wrote the cheques, for Iraq's decimation should certainly also be on the list, as Geoff Hoon, the then Defence Minister.

The invasion, occupation and destruction of near all of Iraq's historical and social structure was based on untruths and dodgy dossiers emanating from Blair's offices and Cabinet Offices, and has resulted in perhaps one and a half million deaths - and ongoing.

Or do suspected war criminals only get counted if they are black, Middle Eastern, East European, or from further afield, whilst ours travel the globe with impunity?

"There's a cost and it is difficult to investigate crimes which took place in another country a long time ago. But if we don't pursue those prosecutions, the UK could become known as a retirement home for war criminals", said. James Smith of Aegis. There should be no such problem with Tony Blair, he has seven homes in the UK., several in central London and large offices next to the US Embassy.

The other suspects are equally accessible and can even sometime s be found in Parliament.

Beatha Uwazaninka, who survived Rwandan genocide, said the thought of meeting a Rwandan war criminal "living happily ever after" in the UK caused her "great pain."."It is very sad especially for survivors who have gone through so much and yet there is no justice," she told the BBC. She speaks for Iraqis and also for the millions in Britain and around the world who campaigned, demonstrated, contacted their elected representatives, recognizing the lies, who watch Anthony Charles Lynton Blair, QC., traversing the globe, arriving to red carpet treatment and making millions as Iraqis still die: over four thousand in violence since the beginning of this year, one thousand in May and already eight hundred in this Ramadan month. (ii)

There will surely be many involved with Iraq who will surely be watching closely that the Home Office and the Police service indeed ensure that Britain does no longer becomes: "a retirement home for war criminals."    i. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-23495314
ii. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/iraq/10209056/Iraq-hit-by-wave-of-coordinated-bombing-attacks.html
 

Zimbabwe: What do elections in Zimbabwe really mean?

Source: ISS

What do elections in Zimbabwe really mean?

More than three decades of rule by President Robert Mugabe, recently as part of an uneasy alliance with the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), have reduced the income per person in Zimbabwe to levels equivalent to that in Somalia, slightly better than in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and roughly comparable to that in Burundi. On a per capita basis, Zimbabweans have a purchasing power income half that of their Mozambican compatriots.

Although many in the region have been anxiously watching the elections in Zimbabwe, the results are of limited economic importance. By 2012 the Zimbabwean economy had shrunk to 35 times smaller than that of South Africa, and roughly double in size to that of Swaziland. Although the Zimbabwean economy had not done terribly well before 2000, the subsequent period has been disastrous. Last year Zimbabwe had one of the lowest gross domestic income levels in the world at around $600 per person per year. It abandoned its national currency in 2009 and is largely dependent on limited resource extraction, which benefits only the privileged few. Most of its talented and well-educated citizens have left.

In 2000 Zimbabwe had one of the larger economies in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), at only 28 times smaller than that of South Africa and slightly bigger than that of Zambia. Now the Zambian economy is more than double that of Zimbabwe and big brother has become little brother. Although there have been signs of growth in recent years, it may take several decades to undo the damage that the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) has done to the former breadbasket of the region. With an economy today that is two-thirds the size of Namibia, it would make little difference if Zimbabwe were to leave SADC (if size were the only criterion), as Mugabe has threatened.

The World Bank estimates that the Zimbabwean economy is ranked at 125th in size in the world, compared to Botswana, with its much smaller population, in 116th spot. Even Mozambique now has an economy significantly bigger than Zimbabwe’s, and Angola’s economy is almost 13 times larger. Whatever the economic freedom fighters like Julius Malema in South Africa would have us believe, in economic terms Zimbabwe in 2013 is a significantly worse-off place than Zimbabwe in 2000, or Zimbabwe in 1980 for that matter.

Over the years the surrounding regional economies, particularly those of South Africa, Botswana, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique, have absorbed the damage wreaked by the economic turbulence in Zimbabwe. They grow despite the events in Harare and the antics of a fading leader who has become a source of frustration and distraction in the region. They could, of course, grow much faster without the drag of what has become a fragile state at the heart of southern Africa, equal only to Swaziland in terms of its negative potential.

Looking forward, the eventual transition from authoritarian leadership to accountability will inevitably be accompanied by considerable instability, particularly given the partisan nature of the security agencies and the extent to which Zimbabwe’s institutions, including the courts, media and civil society, have been weakened.

Yet Zimbabwe continues to be important for SADC because it has become an ‘empty space’ in the centre of the region, hampering regional integration in practical and political terms. Practically because its poor infrastructure cannot facilitate regional trade and politically because of the associated impasse within SADC, an organisation that has much potential but remains hamstrung by the regional differences among its members and their subsequent lack of commitment to regional economic integration.

The legacy of the Frontline States has allowed Mugabe to effectively block progress within SADC, which has long been poisoned by the stand-off among some of its erstwhile important members. Yet the alliance that he built to contain South Africa during the Mandela and Mbeki years has largely come undone and, given the size of the Zimbabwean economy, hardly matters today.

Mugabe’s recent attack on Lindiwe Zulu, South Africa’s de facto point person on the Zimbabwean crisis, should be seen in this context. It was an unsuccessful diversion tactic that South Africa did not fall for. It reflected the success of President Jacob Zuma’s administration in creating a common SADC position on Zimbabwe, for what that is worth. In addition, the gap between SADC and the European Union (EU), the largest economic block in the world despite the rise of China, has narrowed considerably – a development that could facilitate trade and investment in the future but only with a Zimbabwe where the rule of law has been restored. The result is a greater shared view of the challenges that the incoming administration in Harare will face, although the extent to which the international community may want to assist rather than simply trade, has waned considerably.

For Zuma, Zimbabwe is not important enough to justify serious and committed engagement. Rather South Africa seems inclined to wait for a post-Mugabe regime that could offer SADC and others an opportunity to re-engage with its sickly member. Today Zimbabwe is largely of humanitarian concern as the region awaits election results that could, at best, allow the start of a long process of healing and rebuilding. When the official results are eventually released they are hardly going to change the miserable circumstances of most Zimbabweans, or allow for the invigoration of the region.

Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director, ISS

Vietnam: LGBT Advocates to Celebrate Benchmark Year

Source: Voice of America

Marianne Brown

Iran: Commander declares 'Muslims share hope for destruction of fake Israeli regime'

Source: IRNA

“Today the destruction of the fake Israeli regime which has manifested itself in the form of slogan of down with Israel is the world is an end to this regime and also its supporters throughout the world,” Brigadier General Naqdi said, addressing a group of people taking part in International Quds Rallies in the northeastern city of Bojnourd.

He reiterated that the thought line of destruction of the usurper Israel will continue to persist and those who live in the Islamic Republic are also insisting on such objectives.

“The Zionist are trying to stage a sectarian war among Muslims with the help and support of the US and Britain in a bid to delay their destruction,” Brigadier General Naqdi said.

Bahrain: Concern over whereabouts of Bahraini blogger and his photojournalist colleague

IFEX

2 August 2013 Bahrain Center for Human Rights

The Bahrain Center for Human Rights (BCHR) expresses grave concern in regards to the recent arrest of blogger and media fixer Mohamed Hassan (27) during a dawn raid on his home on 31 July 2013. More than 24 hours after his arrest, there is still no confirmed information on his whereabouts and wellbeing and he is considered to be subject to enforced disappearance.

At around 3am on 31 July 2013, masked men in civilian clothes belonging to the Ministry of Interior raided the blogger's house and arrested him after presenting an arrest warrant but without giving any justification for the arrest or information on the charges pressed against him. They also confiscated his electronic devices.

Hassan's family received a brief call from him on 31 July during which they were informed he would be transferred to the dry dock detention center. However, when they went there on 1 August, the prison administration denied holding him. His family was not able to get any further information or get access to Hassan. Moreover, his lawyer has been unable to contact him.

Previous targeting

This is not the first time the blogger is targeted by the authorities in Bahrain. Hassan, also known as @Safybh, is known for expressing his views on Twitter and on his blog in support of the struggle for freedom and democracy in Bahrain. He stopped tweeting and blogging on April 2013.

He was previously arrested on 21 April 2012 while he was escorting reporters to protesting villages to show them the violations of the authorities against peaceful protesters. He was hit with a gun barrel in his leg and reportedly severely beaten before getting arrested. He was denied access to a lawyer, and released the next day. He was then arrested again on 22 April 2012 at a checkpoint in Sanabis with journalist Colin Freeman from The Sunday Telegraph. They were taken to the Exhibition Center police station. Hassan was interrogated about his connection to the journalist and they were later released without any charges.

In June 2012 Hassan was summoned for interrogation, and was accused on three charges: writing for websites and newspapers without a license, illegal gathering and tweeting. He wrote later on his twitter: "They asked me about all tweets, even the ones where I say goodnight, I was also questioned about the articles I write and the journalists I know, especially when I was arrested and beaten last April. I was accused of calling for 'unlicensed' marches when I invited people to [participate in] Nabeel Rajab's 'Thank you' march, [the] problem is: it was actually licensed. After asking a lawyer I realized that I was correct about not needing a license for blogging or writing an op-ed for a website."

Hassan has been also a fixer for multiple reporters, including the Dan Rather crew when they were in Bahrain in March 2012. (Check this "Behind the Scenes" report).

He appeared in the Dan Rather Report. When he was asked if it was safe for him to speak to the press, he replied "I don't care anymore. My friends have been in prison, some of them are still in prison, and some of them are in hiding and some of them are dead." He continues "by now if anything would have happened, I would've accepted it, I have no choice but to accept it."

Hassan told his friends after the broadcast of that report: "I started getting some calls after appearing on the Dan Rather Report, waiting to see their next move." Their next move was to have him arrested and beaten in April 2012.

He also participated in a Bahrain debate in Feb 2012, with a group of Bahraini youth of different views aiming to bridge their differences. Hassan was clear in supporting the people's rights and firmly refused violence.

The BCHR believes that Mohamed Hassan is repeatedly targeted merely due to expressing his views publicly over the internet and for assisting international media reporters.

Based on the above information, the BCHR demands that the Government of Bahrain immediately release him as well as all detainees who have been arrested based on reasons related to them practicing their fundamental rights of freedom of expression and peaceful assembling which are guaranteed to them by international laws.

Photojournalist arrested


In addition to the concern over Hassan's enforced disappearance, an award winning photojournalist and close friend of Hassan's, Hussain Hubail (21), was arrested on the night of 31 July 2013, at the Bahrain International Airport while on his way to Dubai, UAE. His family went to ask about him at the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) but the administration denied having Hubail in their custody. As such, Hubail is now also considered subjected to enforced disappearance as there is still no information on his whereabouts and wellbeing.

Hubail won 1st place in a photography contest run by Alwasat newspaper in May 2013 for a photograph of protesters amid clouds of tear gas. BCHR has information that a photo in which Hubail appeared covering one of the opposition societies rallies, was shown to detainees in the past months at the CID and the interrogators were trying to find the identity of the photographer in that photo. The BCHR believes that Hubail has been targeted because of his work as a photojournalist. 


The BCHR calls on the international community to apply real pressure on the Government of Bahrain to demand the immediate release of blogger Mohammed Hassan and photojournalist Hussain Hubail. To add to that, the BCHR calls for an end of the Government of Bahrain's systematic targeting of online users and news providers who are exercising their right to freedom of expression in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  

D.R. Congo: UN talks tough in eastern DRC

Photo: Zahra Moloo/IRIN. Protect and fight (file photo)

Source: IRIN

GENEVA, 2 August 2013 (IRIN) - A UN ultimatum for armed groups around Goma, capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC’s) North Kivu Province, to disarm, expired on 1 August and a security zone has been set up around the city. Goma is calm, but civilians, aid agencies and NGOs wait nervously as the UN's first ever "offensive" peacekeeping force prepares to fully deploy.

"In North Kivu, MONUSCO [the UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC] considers any individuals who are not members of the national security forces and who carry a firearm in Goma and its northern suburbs an imminent threat to civilians and will disarm them in order to enforce a security zone to protect the densely populated area of Goma and Sake," MONUSCO said in a statement on 30 July, adding that the operation to enforce the security zone would, for the first time, involve its UN Force Intervention Brigade (FIB),  a 3,000-strong international force mandated to “neutralize… and disarm” all armed groups in eastern DRC.

According to MONUSCO, about 75 percent of FIB's troops - from Malawi, South Africa and Tanzania - are already on the ground; the brigade "will carry out targeted offensive operations in support of the Congolese army or unilaterally".

Speaking to the press on 25 July, the brigade's commanding officer, Brig-Gen James Mwakibolwa of Tanzania, gave assurances that "Goma will never fall again as long as the FIB is on the ground. That’s the reason why the brigade is doing all in its powers through patrols to protect Goma and its environs."

One of the first targets of the FIB will be the rebel M23, mutineers who have been fighting the DRC's army, FARDC, since April 2012.

"Oxfam urges the UN Peacekeeping force to proceed with the utmost caution as it enforces their call for disarmament and to ensure that civilians are adequately protected from any ensuing violence," Tariq Riebl, Oxfam’s DRC humanitarian programme coordinator, said in a 31 July statement.

"The removal of so many arms that have been used to terrorize civilians in the area should help reduce the appalling levels of human suffering but the UN must ensure that its operations do not make a bad situation much worse."

Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has expressed concern about MONUSCO's offensive mandate and the blurring of lines between humanitarian and military action. In a letter, Bertrand Perrochet, head of mission for MSF in DRC, urged MONUSCO not to deploy troops around its health facilities lest the safety of patients and staff be impaired.

MONUSCO insists, however, that its mandate is not contradictory, and according to the media, spokesman Manodge Monoubai said the UN mission could not "fold our arms and allow armed groups to kill the population".

The Congolese government has welcomed the establishment of the zone and the ultimatum. For its part, M23, which is not at present within the security zone, has denounced MONUSCO's actions.

"We [will] stay within the area assigned us after retreating from Goma" M23's president, Bertrand Bisimwa, told IRIN. M23 briefly occupied Goma in DRC, and was ordered to withdraw during negotiations in Kampala brokered by the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), which has been mediating in so far unsuccessful talks between the rebels and the government.

Analysts say the success of the FIB will be dependent on how it responds to threats and how it deals with the local population. "The intervention brigade can be a force for good; however, it is crucial for it to interact with local populations in a transparent and open manner," said Rémy Kasindi, director of DRC think tank CRESA.

Others are more sceptical of MONUSCO's ability to protect Goma and its population. "Prior to M23's capture of Goma, we heard similar announcements and afterwards the city was taken over by the rebel movement," Ley Uwera, a Goma-based journalist, told IRIN, expressing concern about the delay in the FIB deployment - the brigade was expected to be fully operational by the end of July.

However, "Targeted armed groups are likely to seek to avoid direct confrontation with the Intervention Brigade," Fred Robarts a former coordinator of the UN Group of Experts on DRC, told IRIN, noting that "yet more displacement seems inevitable as a result of future offensive operations…

"Most obviously, humanitarian actors will have to continue carefully to manage the need to coordinate with the peacekeepers while guarding their neutrality and independence… Much depends on [the FIB] establishing credibility at this early stage, and it remains to be seen how firmly the new brigade will respond when first tested."

Chantal Daniels, Great Lakes policy adviser for Christian Aid, told IRIN that within the aid community, there is "hope [that] the security zone is a first step in a wider PoC [Protection of Civilians] and security approach".

Shaky political process

Alongside the military manoeuvres, a shaky peace process continues, with ICGLR heads of state recently meeting in Nairobi and reiterating their support for the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the DRC signed in Addis Ababa on 24 February.

on the sidelines of the ICGLR summit, diplomats privately told IRIN that many felt MONUSCO's ultimatum had dented the chances of a peaceful resolution to the crisis, sentiments also expressed by Rwanda, which has been accused of supporting M23, a charge it strenuously denies.

CRESA's Kasindi stressed that "the Congolese government, as well as other regional actors [must] assume a prime responsibility for what happens in the Kivu provinces.”

"Whatever happens militarily, without strong political commitment it might lead to more tensions... especially if disarmament calls are not complemented by a new DDR [disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration] approach," said Christian Aid's Daniels.

US: Faulty FBI Background Checks Harm Job Seekers and Workers

Source: Open Society Foundations
Faulty FBI Background Checks Harm Job Seekers and Workers
August 1, 2013 by Maurice Emsellem 

At a time when millions of America’s workers continue to struggle to find work in the aftermath of the Great Recession, many job seekers face an additional barrier: faulty background checks released by the FBI for use in employment and licensing decisions.

The National Employment Law Project has just released a new report, Wanted: Accurate FBI Background Checks for Employment [pdf], that exposes serious flaws in the FBI records that potentially harm hundreds of thousands of job seekers and workers each year.

A record 16.9 million FBI background checks were produced for employment and licensing decisions in 2012—a six-fold increase over a decade ago. Although most private employers are not permitted access to the FBI records, an ever-increasing number of federal and state laws mandate FBI background checks for occupations such as childcare, trucking, and even janitors and food-service providers who work on federal property.

As the use of FBI criminal background checks grows, so too does the harm of inaccurate records. NELP estimates that roughly 600,000 people a year are harmed by inaccurate or incomplete FBI background checks. Around half the FBI’s arrest records fail to include the final disposition of the case, so even if the case was dismissed, employers might not know that from the background-check results. In fact, roughly one-third of all felony arrests do not result in conviction, and many more are reduced to misdemeanors, overturned on appeal, expunged, or otherwise resolved in the worker’s favor.

Russ F., a worker in the port of Philadelphia, was wrongfully denied a security clearance needed for his job after 9/11 because of an inaccurate FBI background check. Mr. F. had been arrested in 1971, but charges were never filed and he was not prosecuted. Thirty-seven years later, the arrest was reported on the FBI background check without the disposition information. Despite having worked at the port for 33 years without incident, Mr. F. spent months tracking down documentation to prove a negative—that he had never been convicted of, or even charged with, a crime.

Raquel Vanderpool, a nurse aid with nearly a decade of experience, was fired from her job after an FBI background check erroneously reported as a conviction a charge from her youth that had been dismissed and the record sealed. She was nonetheless terminated from her position and was unable to find employment for four years as she fought to clear her name.

Not all communities share the burden equally when it comes to inaccurate records. Just as African Americans and Latinos are disproportionately impacted by the criminal justice system, these same communities are disproportionately harmed by inaccurate and incomplete records. As highlighted by a recent class-action lawsuit against the Census Bureau, denying employment based on faulty records means that more African Americans and Latinos will be out of work longer while they struggle to correct these inaccuracies.

The big question, of course, is what can be done? How can we ensure that workers who pose absolutely no safety or security risk aren’t locked out of jobs for which they are qualified? Just as the problem comes from the FBI, so too should the solution: the FBI needs to ensure that its records are accurate and up-to-date before it sends them out in response to employment and licensing inquiries.

Fortunately, there is a successful and well-established model already in place to clean up the FBI records—the federal program for firearm background checks established by the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act. Not only is the FBI able to produce accurate background checks for gun purchases, it is able to do so quickly and efficiently. Under the Brady Act, the FBI has three business days in which to find missing disposition information before the sale is allowed to proceed. The FBI is able to correct two-thirds of the faulty records within three days of the requests, by contacting the appropriate federal, state, and local agencies to obtain the missing information.

It’s time for the FBI to take responsibility to ensure that records sent under its seal for employment and licensing purposes are accurate and up to date. America’s workers deserve no less.

Abortion: Texas legislation on abortion raises concerns

There are concerns that the new ban on abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy in the US state of Texas could put women's lives at risk. The legislation, among other things, requires abortion providers to upgrade their facilities. Costly measures that critics say are unnecessary and could force clinics to close their doors for good. Health officials fear that a black market in so-called 'abortion pills' could fill the gap - if clinics are forced to close. Al Jazeera's Andy Gallacher reports from Texas.

Africa: UN Advises ‘Development Regionalism’

By Jaya Ramachandran | IDN-InDepth NewsReport

GENEVA (IDN) - When long forgotten African leaders set up the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, coordinating and intensifying regional cooperation in order to achieve a better life for the people of the newly liberated continent was an important item on their agenda.

Fifty years later, a UN report says that efforts to date to spur jointly reinforcing economic growth on the continent have relied on a “textbook” and “linear” approach to regional cooperation that does not fit with the situation in Africa, world's second-largest and second-most-populous continent with than one billion people.

What is required is a “21st century approach to dealing with 21st century challenges”, stresses The Economic Development in Africa Report 2013, subtitled Intra-African Trade Unlocking Private Sector Dynamism.

The report released by the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) on July 11, 2013 asks African countries to adopt a new approach to regional integration, referred to as “developmental regionalism”.

Developmental regionalism encompasses cooperation among countries in a broader range of areas than just trade and trade facilitation, to include – for example – investment, research and development, as well as policies aimed at accelerating regional industrial development and regional infrastructure provision, such as the building of better networks of roads and railways, says an official summary of the report.

It recalls the African leaders’ 2012 decision to eliminate barriers to intra-African trade and usher in vibrant regional markets, and notes that harvesting resultant benefits would depend on an expansion of the continent’s private sector.

Selling in nearby markets gives firms cost advantages through proximity, potentially reduced transport expenses, better knowledge that allows goods to be fitted to local conditions, and, if sufficient customers can be found, enough critical mass to justify expanding industry, says the report.

“But additional holistic approaches – a form of enhanced teamwork – are required of African governments to enable the private sector to expand and thrive,” the report says, adding that experiences elsewhere in the world indicate that setting up regional markets will result in a greater demand for goods; African businesses must therefore be encouraged and enabled to provide goods or they will lose out to foreign competitors, the report warns.

Tools

The study underlines the need for enhancing the capabilities of African countries so that they can produce a wider range of sophisticated goods that they can then trade with one another – a process that economists call expanding productive capacity. The report says that regional industrial policies are an important tool for developmental regionalism. African countries need to coordinate their national industrial policies around regional industrial policies in order to build complementarities in what can be produced and traded within Africa.

According to the report, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has such a regional industrial policy but it has yet to be fully implemend. One of its objectives is to promote local processing and the creation of value added in the sectors and subsectors where Africa as a whole enjoys high comparative advantage – such as mining, and the processing of agricultural products.

“The concurrent development of national and regional industrial policies can stimulate the development of regional industrial value chains in Africa, in turn offering African countries larger opportunities to trade more goods among themselves. Examples are the cotton-textile-apparel value chain, and the livestock-meat-canned products value chain,” says the report.

Private sector

According to the study, a second element of developmental regionalism lies in strengthening the capacity of the private sector in Africa as an important driver for expanding regional cooperation. But so far, in Africa, governments have been the only active force for regional integration, while the private sector has remained a passive participant in the process, the report contends.

Against this backdrop, it pleads for creating mechanisms for constant dialogue between States and the private sector so that the problems and challenges faced by existing and prospective businesses are clear to governments, and well-coordinated plans can be established for dealing with them.

The report cites Mauritius as an example: The Joint Economic Council, a coordinating body of the Mauritian private sector, meets on a regular basis with the Government to discuss broad economic policies.

A third element of developmental regionalism consists in building economic linkages among African economies in specific sectors of activity, through the creation of “development corridors”, the report says.

It argues that developmental regionalism goes beyond trade, and encompasses cooperation among African countries in a wide range of areas including investments in transport and in production-related infrastructure, as well as in agriculture and industrial projects.

International competitiveness

The report further points out that cooperation in a wide range of areas can help African countries build international competitiveness. It notes with satisfaction that the Maputo Development Corridor, linking Gauteng Province in South Africa to the port of Maputo in Mozambique, has been hailed as a successful, true transport corridor that has unlocked landlocked provinces in one of the most highly industrialized and productive regions of Southern Africa.

Presently, more than 20 corridors are in operation in Africa. But most tend to be traditional transport corridors. There is therefore a need to go beyond that and to create industrial development corridors as well, the report says.

Developmental regionalism is not a vague concept, the report notes. It is actually being carried out elsewhere. An example is the Greater Mekong Subregion Project in South-East Asia, which is promoting economic linkages and boosting development among six countries sharing the Mekong River (Cambodia, China, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet Nam), with assistance from the Asian Development Bank.

The joint strategic development programme is based, among other things, on public–private partnerships, shared use of natural resources, and the creation of economic development corridors. One new project involves marketing the Mekong area as a single travel and tourism destination.

“While there are elements of a “developmental” integration agenda in some African subregions, such as the proposed Tripartite Free Trade Area that will cover 26 countries mostly in Eastern and Southern Africa,” the report says that “more numerous and more comprehensive developmental integration programmes should be designed and implemented in Africa.” [IDN-InDepthNews – August 1, 2013]

2013 IDN-InDepthNews | Analysis That Matters

Image credit: articlebook.wordpress.com

Piracy: Three Somali Pirates Sentenced to Life in Prison for Murders of Four Americans Abroad SV Quest

U.S. Attorney’s Office 
Eastern District of Virginia

NORFOLK, VA—Somali nationals Ahmed Muse Salad, a/k/a “Afmagalo,” 25; Abukar Osman Beyle, 20; and Shani Nurani Shiekh Abrar, 29, who were previously found guilty by jury of all 26 counts charged, to include piracy, conspiracy to commit kidnapping, hostage taking resulting in death, kidnapping resulting in death, and multiple firearms offenses, were sentenced today by a federal jury. The three defendants were sentenced to life in prison for their roles in the February 22, 2011 murders of four Americans aboard the sailing vessel Quest. The victims included Scott Underwood Adam, Jean Savage Adam, Phyllis Patricia Macay, and Robert Campbell Riggle.

Neil H. MacBride, United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia; George Venizelos, Assistant Director in Charge (ADIC) of the FBI’s New York Field Office; Royce E. Curtin, Special Agent in Charge (SAC) of the FBI’s Norfolk Field Office; and Michael Monroe, Special Agent in Charge of the Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS), made the announcement after the sentence was accepted by Chief United States District Court Judge Rebecca Beach Smith.

“Four Americans were taken hostage, terrorized, and then murdered. Life in prison is reserved for those who commit heinous crimes—and the jury today decided the execution of four innocent Americans on the high seas meets that high bar,” said United States Attorney Neil H. MacBride. “Scott Adam, Jean Adam, Phyllis Macay, and Robert Riggle lost their lives, and their families lost their loved ones. Nothing can make this right; nothing can make their families whole again—but we hope today’s verdict and sentences will bring some closure to their nightmare that began two years ago on the Indian Ocean.”

“This case exemplifies the ongoing, outstanding cooperation between federal law enforcement and federal prosecutors,” said Norfolk SAC Royce Curtin. “Today’s sentencings should send a clear message to anyone committing acts of criminal violence against American citizens at sea that they will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.”

Assistant Director in Charge Venizelos stated, “Pirates armed with AK-47s and rocket-propelled grenades took four innocent Americans hostage aboard their own vessel. When negotiations reached an impasse, one pirate launched a grenade at a nearby U.S. Navy ship while others murdered four Americans aboard the Quest. Today’s life sentences provide a vigorous deterrent for armed bandits roaming our seas. The FBI’s commitment to stopping this scourge of violence is unwavering.”

The defendants were previously indicted on July 8, 2011, by a federal grand jury on 26 counts, which included conspiracy to commit hostage taking, conspiracy to commit kidnapping, kidnapping resulting in death, conspiracy to commit violence against maritime navigation resulting in death, piracy, and firearms offenses. The defendants were convicted on all 26 counts on July 8, 2013. According to court records and evidence at trial, Salad, Beyle, Abrar, and others—armed with firearms and a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG)—boarded the Quest while the four Americans slept on February 18, 2011. They gained control of the vessel and took the four American citizens as hostages. Their plan was to take the hostages to Somalia, where they and their additional co-conspirators in Somalia could commence ransom negotiations. While they sailed toward Somalia, the three defendants and their co-conspirators were taking turns standing armed guard over the hostages; at the same time, United States Navy ships headed towards the Quest to aid the hostages and prevent the Quest from proceeding to Somalia.

Beginning on February 19, 2011, communications had been established, and the United States Navy and the FBI began negotiating with the pirates to secure the safe release of the hostages. On February 21, 2011, two co-conspirators representing the pirates onboard the Q, were transferred to the USS Sterett to negotiate. The negotiations reached an impasse when the co-conspirators were told that they were not going to be allowed to take the hostages ashore in Somalia. The decision was made to detain the co-conspirators after they refused to release the hostages and threatened to kill them if they were not allowed to return to Somalia.

Testimony revealed that Abrar fired a shot over the head of Scott Adam and instructed Adam to tell the U.S. Navy that if the military came any closer, the conspirators would kill the hostages.

On February 22, 2011, without provocation and before the hostages could be rescued by members of the military, a co-conspirator fired an RPG in the general direction of the USS Sterett. Witnesses testified that sustained firing came from the Quest and that glass could be seen breaking on the starboard side of the Quest. Witnesses also testified that Salad, Beyle, and Abrar were the shooters and responsible for the deaths of Scott Adam, Jean Adam, Phyllis Macay, and Robert Riggle. After the gun fire died down, the navy dispatched SEALS to the Quest. The pirates aboard the Quest began surrendering, and some were seen throwing AK-47 rifles into the water.

This case was investigated by the FBI and the Naval Criminal Investigative Service. Assistant United States Attorneys Joseph DePadilla, Brian J. Samuels, and Benjamin L. Hatch prosecuted the case on behalf of the United States. A copy of this press release may be found on the website of the United States Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Virginia at http://www.justice.gov/usao/vae.  

Belarus: Belarus urged to release human rights activist Ales Bialiatski

Special Rapporteur on Belarus Miklós Haraszti. Photo: OSCE/Susanna Lööf

UN - 2 August 2013 – The Government of Belarus must “immediately and unconditionally” release human rights activist Ales Bialiatski, a United Nations independent expert urged today, calling on authorities to stop prosecuting rights defenders and journalists.

“Mr. Bialiatski is an internationally respected human rights defender; his engagement for human rights is well-known and broadly applauded,” said the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Republic of Belarus, Miklós Haraszti, adding that his detention is “a symbol of the repression against human rights defenders.”

Two years ago, Mr. Bialiatski, who is head of the Human Rights Center Viasna, was detained in the Belarusian capital, Minsk, on charges of tax evasion. He was later sentenced to four and a half years imprisonment with the confiscation of all his property, including assets registered to other persons. This judgment was upheld on appeal in 2012.

In addition to his work with Viasna, Mr. Bialiatski has been active is setting up the Belarusian Human Rights House in Vilnius, Lithuania, and became the Vice-President of the International Federation of Human Rights.

“As many other human rights defenders in Belarus, Mr. Bialiatski could not legally and without hindrance work, because of the refusal by Belarusian authorities to register his NGO [non-governmental organization],” the Special Rapporteur said, urging the Government to acknowledge human rights organizations in the country, and start cooperating with them to establish an independent national human rights institution as pledged in the nation's commitments to the UN.

“The detention of Mr. Bialiatski is clearly a consequence of him continuing his not only legitimate but also legal work under international human rights law,” Mr. Haraszti underlined, and called upon the authorities to immediately and unconditionally release and rehabilitate Mr. Bialiatski and those incarcerated in violation of their human rights.

Mr. Haraszti had previously recommended this release in his June 2013 report to the UN Human Rights Council, following the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights' similar call in her 2011 report on Belarus.

Earlier this year the Council had also called upon all States to ensure that the promotion and the protection of human rights are not criminalized, and human rights defenders are not prevented from enjoying universal human rights owing to their work.

“I urge the Belarusian authorities to protect human rights defenders and journalists from harassment, intimidation and violence as a result of their activities, and conduct prompt, impartial and thorough investigations, prosecution and punishment of any such acts,” said Mr. Haraszti, reiterating the recommendation made in his report, in line with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.

Special rapporteurs are appointed by the Council to examine and report back on a country situation or a specific human rights theme. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are they paid for their work.

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See also: Mike Hitchen Unleashed. Freedom's not just a one-off TV event

Europe: Greece - One Year On, Abuses Continue Under Operation Xenios Zeus

Source: Human Rights Watch

Dispatches: Greece - One Year On, Abuses Continue Under Operation Xenios Zeus
Eva Cossé

The anniversary of Operation Xenios Zeus, on August 4, marks one year of abuses conducted by the Greek police against migrants and asylum seekers in Athens.

Xenios Zeus is an epic-scale sweep operation aiming at cracking down on irregular immigration and crime in Athens. Since the start of the operation, tens of thousands of people presumed to be undocumented migrants have been subjected to abusive stops and searches on the streets, and hours-long detention at police stations. Human Rights Watch documented the use of ethnic profiling and arbitrary deprivation of liberty in the recent report "Unwelcome Guests".

With its deep economic crisis, and after years of mismanaged migration and asylum policies, anti-migrant sentiment has grown rapidly in Greece. Golden Dawn, a far-right, anti-immigrant party has gained in popularity, making it hard not to see Xenios Zeus as a government effort to win voters back.

Confronted with our report during a BBC interview, Minister of Public Order Dendias rejected and denied our findings, as did other government officials when we met with them in mid-June in Athens.

Officials also insisted that Greece is historically tolerant with a longstanding tradition of hospitality, and that it’s “in the DNA of Greeks not to be racist.”

Our July 2012 report "Hate on the Streets" shows the opposite. Xenophobic violence in Greece has reached alarming proportions, with gangs regularly attacking migrants and asylum seekers in the streets of Athens. Despite some positive steps to improve state response, attackers are rarely arrested and police inaction is the rule.

Xenios Zeus, an operation that stigmatizes migrants and asylum seekers, is a dangerous distraction from the real policing challenges the country faces. The one-year anniversary should be markedby reforms to ensure that all measures to identify irregular migrants fully respecthuman rights law prohibiting discrimination, including ethnic profiling, and arbitrary deprivation of liberty.

Bangladesh: Call for violence probe in Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts

Photo: Courtesy of Christian Erni/IWGIA. Indigenous woman in CHT

Source: IRIN

DHAKA, 2 August 2013 (IRIN) - Rights groups in Bangladesh are questioning whether state forces are effectively controlling violence in Bangladesh’s southeastern Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region after a bloody month, and say renewed violence is a real threat there.

“The role the security agencies have played in controlling the violence is questionable. A thorough investigation needs to take place to determine if security forces have failed in their duty to protect civilian lives. If the findings of such an investigation show they have failed, those responsible should be brought to justice,” Madhu Malhotra, a researcher of Bangladesh’s indigenous groups at Amnesty International, told IRIN.

In July 2013 alone at least eight indigenous leaders were killed, local media reported.

While there have been historical clashes between Bengali settlers, the country’s main ethnic group, and the region’s more than one dozen indigenous groups, there has been increased infighting among indigenous communities in recent months.

Conflict background

In 1977, Shanti Bahini, the military wing of Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJSS), a pro-indigenous political party, began a 20-year armed struggle in part to gain autonomy.

The conflict ended with the signing of the 1997 CHT Accord, which recognized CHT as a “tribal inhabited” region, its traditional governance system and the role of its chiefs, as well as provided building blocks for indigenous autonomy.

But major clauses of the accord have not been implemented yet, according to activists. In a January 2013 report, PCJSS noted some 400 temporary military and paramilitary camps remain in CHT despite pledges to remove them.

And while a land commission to handle disputes has been created per the peace deal, it remains inactive. One of the accord’s essential clauses - the handing over of powers, including land management and control of local administration, from central government to the regional administration - remains unmet.

“There is frustration among the indigenous people for not implementing the peace accord. This frustration leads to instability in the region. The situation will deteriorate if a peace accord is not implemented,” Mesbah Kamal, secretary-general of the National Coalition for Indigenous People based in the capital, Dhaka, told IRIN.

Gowher Rizvi, an adviser to the prime minister, has said the government is working to implement the CHT accord, with “full implementation” in a few months, without detailing any timeline.

Land tenure

Kamal said the region’s intractable disputes centre on indigenous groups’ lack of land tenure and their recognition in the constitution as small “ethnic” rather than indigenous groups.

While the government recently took the initiative to amend the 2001 Land Commission Act, which includes land dispute resolution guidelines, to ensure indigenous people’s land rights, the move has faced widespread protest from local Bengali settlers. In recent months, some Bengalis have organized strikes (`hartals’) that prevented any vehicles other than emergency transport from passing through the three hill districts.

According to Amnesty International, the government has remained “ineffectual” in the 16 years since the peace deal, failing to protect indigenous groups in CHT and their right to security, ancestral land, livelihoods, culture, and to participation in decisions that affect them. Authors of its recent report on CHT said almost all those interviewed - from Bengali settlers to indigenous leaders, the army and government officials - said land issues were central to problems in CHT.

“There is a lack of trust among the indigenous groups as their rights are violated,” said Hiran Mitra Chakma, manager of a local rights organization working for indigenous groups, Kapaeeng Foundation

He said many indigenous families in the village of Naikhanchori in CHT were recently evicted from the land where they had been living for decades. “There are incidents of gross human rights violations in the region and without solving this, peace is impossible in the region.”

Meanwhile, Home Minister Muhiuddin Khan Alamgir, while visiting the region recently, rejected allegations that security forces have failed to protect the people. "There is no crisis in CHT, but differences of opinions over land and land law. The government is working to resolve the differences and to protect everyone's rights," the local media quoted him as saying. He also assured Bengali settlers that they would not be evacuated from the area even if the land law is amended.

CHT is Bangladesh’s only very hilly region. Roughly 50 percent of its 1.5 million people are tribal peoples (including the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Tanchangya, Mro, Lushai, Khumi, Chak, Khiyang, Bawm and Pangkhua). Most of these peoples are followers of Theravada Buddhism. Collectively they identify themselves as the Jumma people (Highlanders), the original inhabitants of the CHT, according to the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization.